Tag Archives: dominant language

Multilingual Societies

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Multilingual societies are a testament to the vibrancy and complexity of human culture, where multiple languages coexist and evolve within a shared social framework. These societies are not simply collections of diverse linguistic groups but intricate networks of communication that weave together histories, cultural identities, and social dynamics. The interplay between various languages and dialects in multilingual communities creates rich tapestries that reflect the diverse experiences and traditions of their members.

Defining Multilingual Societies

A multilingual society is one in which multiple languages and dialects are actively used across different domains – be it in the home, at school, in the workplace, or in public life.

The coexistence of these languages is not only a matter of daily communication but also a reflection of the community’s diverse histories and the continuous interaction of various social, cultural, and political forces.

The ability to speak and navigate between multiple languages provides individuals in these societies with a deeper understanding of their own identities while promoting understanding and collaboration between different groups.

In such societies, the use of language can be fluid, shifting depending on the context, purpose, and the participants involved in the interaction. This dynamic nature of multilingualism is what makes multilingual societies particularly interesting – they are always in flux, adapting to changing social realities while preserving the unique cultural heritage of each language.

Key Characteristics of Multilingual Societies

1. Diglossia and the Role of Varieties

One of the defining characteristics of many multilingual societies is the phenomenon of diglossia, where two or more varieties of the same language coexist, each having a distinct role in society. This concept, first introduced by sociolinguist Charles Ferguson in the 1950s, is particularly evident in societies like those in the Arab world. For example, Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is typically used in formal contexts, such as in the media, literature, and religious settings. On the other hand, local dialects, such as Egyptian Arabic, are used in everyday interactions and casual conversations. This distinction between high and low varieties of a language serves as a way to maintain both cultural and social order, allowing for functional diversity within the same linguistic system.

Diglossia exists not only in the Arabic-speaking world but also in many other multilingual societies. In Switzerland, for example, German, French, and Italian are spoken in distinct regions, and these languages are used in formal and governmental settings. Meanwhile, regional dialects play an important role in social interactions, demonstrating how different linguistic varieties have their place in different domains of life.

2. The Richness of Dialects

Another fascinating aspect of multilingual societies is the presence of dialects, which add depth and texture to the linguistic landscape. Dialects are variations of a language that are often regionally or socially distinct. While Standard Italian is the official language of Italy, it coexists with a variety of regional dialects, such as Neapolitan, Venetian, or Sicilian. These dialects are not simply colloquial forms of the language but have their own unique lexicons, grammar, and cultural histories.

The presence of dialects within a multilingual society enriches cultural identity by reflecting the historical and geographical diversity of the community. Dialects are more than just ways of speaking; they are repositories of local traditions, folklore, and ways of life. For example, a speaker of Venetian might use words and expressions that reflect the history of the region, its unique interactions with other cultures, and its role in maritime trade.

While there is often a tension between the prestige of a standard language and the value of dialects, multilingual societies offer the potential for dialects to be celebrated and preserved. In places like Italy, the revival of interest in regional dialects is part of a larger cultural movement to maintain connections with local traditions and histories, even as the country embraces globalization and modernity.

3. Code-Switching and Language Shifts

Individuals in multilingual societies often shift between languages or dialects depending on the context in which they are communicating. This code-switching is a common phenomenon in these societies, where speakers fluidly alternate between languages or varieties of language within a conversation.

India provides a rich example of code-switching in action. In many urban areas, it is not uncommon for individuals to mix Hindi and English within a single sentence, especially in workspaces or social settings. This practice – often referred to as Hinglish – reflects the intersection of India’s rich linguistic diversity with the global influence of English. In multilingual societies, code-switching serves as a pragmatic tool for communication, allowing speakers to express themselves more effectively by drawing from a wider range of linguistic resources.

Code-switching can also serve as a marker of social identity and group membership. In multilingual societies, speakers often shift between languages to signal their affiliation with a particular group, region, or social class. For instance, a person in Spain might alternate between Catalan and Spanish depending on whether they are speaking with family, friends, or colleagues. These language shifts are not just about communication but about positioning oneself within a social context, reinforcing shared experiences, and maintaining a sense of belonging.

4. The Cognitive Benefits of Multilingualism

Living in a multilingual society also has cognitive advantages. Research has shown that multilingual individuals often exhibit enhanced mental agility and adaptability. Exposure to different languages and dialects helps improve cognitive flexibility, as individuals constantly switch between different linguistic systems. This ability to switch between languages fosters better problem-solving skills, increased creativity, and an enhanced capacity for multitasking.

Moreover, multilingualism is linked to improved executive functions, such as working memory, attention control, and the ability to focus. In a multilingual society, individuals who are constantly interacting with different languages and linguistic varieties develop stronger mental skills that can be transferred to other areas of life, including academic achievement, professional success, and interpersonal relationships.

The Role of Multilingual Societies in Fostering Communication

Multilingual societies are more than just linguistic landscapes; they are spaces of cross-cultural exchange and communication. In such societies, languages serve as bridges that connect diverse communities, fostering collaboration, mutual understanding, and social cohesion. Through language, individuals from different linguistic backgrounds can share ideas, build relationships, and negotiate shared meanings.

The use of multiple languages in a society also supports the preservation of diverse traditions and histories.

Languages are not static: they evolve and adapt to the needs of the communities that use them. In multilingual societies, this linguistic dynamism allows for the ongoing revitalization of cultural practices, as speakers continue to innovate and adapt their languages to new social realities.

Challenges of Multilingual Societies

While multilingual societies offer a wealth of opportunities, they also present challenges. One of the most significant challenges is the unequal prestige of languages. In many multilingual societies, certain languages are seen as more prestigious or valuable than others. For example, in Switzerland, while German, French, and Italian enjoy official status, the Romansh language has been marginalized, despite being one of the country’s national languages. Similarly, in many post-colonial countries, the dominance of colonial languages like English or French can overshadow indigenous languages, leading to their gradual decline.

The challenge of linguistic inequality is further compounded by globalization and the increasing prominence of English as a global lingua franca. As English becomes the dominant language of business, science, and technology, languages that are considered less prestigious on a global scale are at risk of disappearing, especially in societies where language shift is already occurring.

Ensuring linguistic equity is therefore a key challenge for multilingual societies. Governments, educational systems, and social institutions must work together to promote the value of all languages, ensuring that minoritised languages are not left behind. This requires policies that actively promote the use of these languages in public life, education, and media, and that support the teaching of these languages alongside more widely spoken ones.

Conclusion: Embracing Linguistic Creativity and Resilience

Despite the challenges, multilingual societies are a living proof of linguistic creativity and resilience. When languages and dialects are celebrated and nurtured, they enrich the cultural and social fabric of a society, making it more inclusive, dynamic, and adaptable.

Multilingual societies are spaces of constant linguistic innovation, where languages evolve and adapt to the needs of the people who speak them.

As we look towards the future, it is important to remember that multilingualism is not a challenge to be overcome but a resource to be cherished. In a world that is increasingly interconnected, multilingual societies offer valuable lessons in how to live together in linguistic harmony while celebrating the diversity that makes us unique.

 

References

  • Fishman, J. A. (1967). Bilingualism with and Without Diglossia; Diglossia with and Without Bilingualism. Journal of Social Issues, 23(2), 29-38.
  • Edwards, J. (2012). Multilingualism: Understanding Linguistic Diversity. Continuum.
  • Aronin, L., & Singleton, D. (2012). Multilingualism. Oxford University Press.

What is your maths language?

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When our children are schooled in another language since the beginning, their most dominant language for counting and doing maths is or will be the school language. 

When I tell this to parents who have still to decide which school would be best for their bi/multilingual child, we have the most interesting discussions. Many of them don’t see it as a problem, which, in fact, it is not. But when I show them the different ways to count and explain to them that the way to do simple equations can differ considerably, and that they may need to switch to another way to do maths to help their children with homework for example, they are usually very surprised.

If you speak more than one language at home: which is the language your children prefer when counting, if they learned this before attending daycare or school in another language? 


If your children count in one of your home languages, they might need some help to switch to counting in the school language later.

One way to make this easier is to teach our children to count in more than one language from the beginning. When they show interest in numbers and want to count, we can do so in “our” language and ask our partner or a friend to do the same in the “other” one, so that our children get the input in both or all the languages.

Do you think it is too confusing? It is not. It requires more brain-work but it is like learning new words and link them to those we already know.

My tip for parents whose children are schooled in another language is to bridge between the school and the home languages, i.e. to help them learn the necessary vocabulary in their home language too. Why? Just imagine your child is in your home country and wants to buy something: numbers are everywhere! We need them constantly, either when we buy something, measure something, tell the time, count our steps, prepare a meal and use measures…

The earlier we foster the maths vocabulary in all the languages in our children, the better for them (and us: because we don’t have to translate numbers, prices etc.).

74: seventy-four – or “four-seventy” or “sixty-fourteen”?


Especially when numbers like 74 are named in different ways – tenths first then units, or units first, then tenths, or in the French way, the transfer between their languages can become a major brain workout for our children (and us)!
I personally learned to switch between Italian and German from a very early age and don’t get confused between “cinquantaquattro” (54) and “quarantacinque” (45), or “vierundfünfzig” and “fünfundvierzig“, just to make an example.
I learned Geography and History in French, so I don’t get confused with French numbers either – the “quatrevinghtdixneuf” (lit. “four-twenty-nineteen” 99) is as natural as the “neunundneunzig” or “novantanove”. 

I “only” needed to switch between my languages when I do more complex maths with my children in English. Although I didn’t have any problem with my other languages, I had to learn the math-vocabulary in order to help them. Needless to say that they taught me a lot!

Do multilinguals have one maths language only?

The language we are taught to count in, do maths, is the one we will be more proficient doing so also in the future, unless this changes very early.

It is a myth that the language we count in is always our “mother tongue”, our “native language”: It is actually the language that is the dominant one for us, when counting and doing maths, i.e. it is closely related to a given situation and topic. 

For multilinguals it is perfectly normal to have different “language dominances” across our languages: for example maths is English, literacy in German, science in French. It all depends on what language we use the most when talking, reading, writing, studying about those subjects.

What if older children attend a school in a new language, how will they cope with the other “math language”? 

Research on mathematics and language diversity is published in mathematics education journals as well as linguistics journals focusing on language in education. Poor performance in maths is usually due to a lack of understanding the language of the test (see: Adetula, 1989; De Courcy & Burston, 2000; Evans, 2007; Farrell, 2011; LlabreCuevas, 1983; Ni Diodan & Donoghue, 2009; Zepp, 1982): those who learn mathematics in a language that is not their own, their strongest one, in order to improve, the language, culture and the logic or reasoning system of the learner should match with that of the teacher, the textbook and the curriculum (Berry, 1985; Evans, 2007; Zepp, 1982).

What should parents and teachers know about multilinguals and maths? 

The most important thing to know for parents and teachers is that the competence in both the home and the language of learning and teaching (LoLT) is an advantage in mathematics achievement (Clarkson, 1992; Clarkson & Galbraith, 1992).

However, language fluency is not necessarily linked to the learners’ performance, i.e. if learners are not fluent in the school language, they can still perform on a high standard especially in maths and other subjects learned in another language! Also, it is a misconception to assume that only because people perform in a subject with a native fluency they do it at a high level. 

When using translanguaging practices in other subject areas with multilinguals 

More and more teachers use translanguaging practices in various subject areas. Especially when it comes to STEM  subjects (i.e. science, technology, engineering and mathematics), teachers should always assess the learners’ competence in their home language(s) or the language they were taught the subject.

For example, a French-German child, schooled in Dutch and now attending a school in English, might be better off if the teacher can bridge between Dutch and English. Assuming that the child is better in those subjects because of their home languages is a common misconception!

Generally speaking, encouraging the development of the learners’ home language is a successful strategy to motivate them to succeed in mathematics (Barton, Fairhall & Trinick, 1998) – but only if the learners have the necessary vocabulary in their home language though!

Unfortunately, very little research focuses on how STEM teachers should deal with the complexities of teaching and learning these subjects in linguistically diverse classrooms, but I am optimistic that many schools are addressing this manco and looking for solutions that involve teacher trainings.

Learners whose first/home language is the same as the language of instruction are familiar with the linguistic structures they encounter in the mathematics classroom (Barwell, 2009). Research shows that this is not the case for learners whose home language is different from the language of learning and teaching (LoLT) (Adler, 2001;Gorgorio & Planas, 2001; Halai, 2004). Both groups of learners have to familiarize themselves with the structure of the mathematical language. (from:  Teaching and Learning Mathematics in Multilingual Classrooms: Issues for Policy, Practice and Teacher Education (pp.3-10))

– This is an “ongoing post”, which means that I will regularly update it with more scientific findings about this topic.
If you have any suggestions, examples, input on this matter, please add a comment here below.

Here are some references (taken from Anjum Halai and Philip Clarkson eds., Teaching and Learning Mathematics in Multilingual Classrooms. Issues for Policy, Practice and Teacher Education, 2016) :

Adetula, L. (1989). Solution of simple word problems by Nigeria children: Language and schooling factors. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 20(5), 489–497.

Adetula, L. (1990). Language factor: Does it affect children’s performance on word problems? Educational Studies in Mathematics, 21, 351–365.

Adler, J. (1997). A participatory-inquiry approach and the mediation of mathematical knowledge in a multilingual classroom. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 33, 235–258.

Adler, J. (1998). A language of teaching dilemmas: Unlocking the complex multilingual mathematics classroom. For the Learning Mathematics, 18(1), 24–33.

Adler, J. (1999). Seeing and seeing through talk: The teaching dilemma of transparency in multilingual mathematics classrooms. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 30(1), 47–64.

Austin, J., & Howson, A. (1979). Language and mathematics education. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 10, 161–197.

Barton, B., Fairhall, U., & Trinick, T. (1998). Tikanga Reo T?tai: Issues in the development of a M?ori mathematics register. For the Learning of Mathematics, 18(1), 3–9.

Barwell, R. (2003a). Patterns of attention in the interaction of a primary school mathematics students with English as an additional language. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 52(1), 35–59.

Barwell, R. (2003b). Linguistic discrimination: An issue for research in mathematics education. For the Learning of Mathematics, 23(2), 37–43.

Barwell, R. (2005). Empowerment, EAL and the national numeracy strategy. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 8(4), 313–327.

Barwell, R., & Setati, M. (2005). Multilingualism in mathematics education: A conversation between the north and the south. For the Learning of Mathematics, 25(1), 20–23.

Been-Zeef, S. (1977). The influence of bilingualism on cognitive strategy and cognitive development. Child Development, 48, 1009–1018.

Bell, G., & Woo, J. H. (1998). Probing the links between language and mathematical conceptualisation. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 10(1), 51–74.

Berry, J. (1985). Learning mathematics in a second language: Some cross-cultural issues. For the Learning of Mathematics, 5(2), 18–23.

Chitera, N. (2009). Code switching in a college mathematics classroom. International Journal of Multilingualism, 6(4), 426–442.

Civil, N., & Planas, N. (2004). Participating in mathematics classrooms: Does every student have a voice? For the Learning of Mathematics, 24(1), 7–12.

Clarkson, P. (1992). Language and mathematics: A comparison of bilingual and monolingual students of mathematics. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 23, 417–429.

M. S. Phakeng 22 Clarkson, P. (2007). Australian Vietnamese students learning mathematics: High ability bilinguals and their use of their languages. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 64, 191–215.

Clarkson, P., & Galbraith, P. (1992). Bilingualism and mathematics learning: Another perspective. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 23(1), 34–44.

Cummins, J. (1981). Bilingualism and minority language children. Ontario, Canada: Ontario Institute for Studies in Education.

Dawe, L. (1983). Bilingualism and mathematical reasoning in English as a second language. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 14, 325–353.

De Courcy, M., & Burston, M. (2000). Learning mathematics through French in Australia. Language and Education, 14(2), 75–95.

Domínguez, H. (2011). Using what matters to students in bilingual mathematics problems. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 76, 305–328.

Evans, S. (2007). Differential performance of items in mathematics assessment materials for 7-year-old pupils in English-medium and Welsh-medium versions. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 64, 145–168.

Farrel, M. (2011). Bilingual competence and students’ achievement in physics and mathematics. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 14(3), 335–345.

Gerber, A., Engelbrecht, J., Harding, A., & Rogan, J. (2005). The influence of second language teaching on undergraduate mathematics performance. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 17(3), 3–21.

Gorgório, N., & Planas, N. (2001). Teaching mathematics in multilingual classrooms. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 47(1), 7–23.

Grosjean, F. (1982). Life with two languages. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Hansson, A. (2012). The meaning of mathematics instruction in multilingual classrooms: Analysing the importance of responsibility for learning. Educational Studies in Mathematics (Online February 2012), 81(1), 103–125. doi:10.1007/s10649-012-9385-y

Heng, C. S., & Tan, H. (2006). English for mathematics and science: Current Malaysian language-ineducation policies and practices. Language and Education, 20(4), 306–321.

Ianco-Worral, A. D. (1972). Bilingualism and cognitive development. Child Development, 43, 1390–1400. Jäppienen,

A. (2005). Thinking and content learning of mathematics and science as cognitional development in content and language integrated learning (CLIL): Teaching through a foreign language in Finland. Language and Education, 19(2), 147–168.

Kazima, M. (2007). Malawian students’ meanings for probability vocabulary. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 64(2), 169–189.

Khisty, L., & Chval, K. B. (2002). Pedagogical discourse and equity in mathematics: When teachers’ talk matters. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 14(3), 154–168.

Li, C., & Nuttal, R. (2001). Writing Chinese and mathematics achievement: A study with ChineseAmerican undergraduates. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 13(1), 15–27.

Lim, C., & Presmeg, N. (2011). Teaching mathematics in two languages: A teaching dilemma of Malaysian Chinese primary schools. International Journal of Science and Mathematics Education, 9, 137–161.

Llabre, M., & Cuevas, G. (1983). The effects of test language and mathematical skills assessed on the scores of bilingual Hispanic students. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 14(5), 318–324.

Macnamara, J. (1966). Bilingualism and primary education. Edinburgh, Scotland: Edinburgh University Press.

Moschkovich, J. (1999). Supporting the participation of English language learners in mathematical discourse. For the Learning of Mathematics, 19(1), 11–19.

Moschkovich, J. (2005). Using two languages when learning mathematics. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 64, 121–144.

Ní Ríordáin, M., & O’Donoghue, J. (2009). The relationship between performance on mathematical word problems and language proficiency for students learning through the medium of Irish. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 73, 43–64.

Ní Ríordáin, M., & O’Donoghue. J. (2011). Tackling the transition: The English mathematics register and students learning through the medium of Irish. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 23(1), 43–65.

Parvanehnezhad, Z., & Clarkson, P. (2008). Iranian bilingual students reported use of language switching when doing mathematics. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 20(1), 52–81.

Pearl, E., & Lambert, W. (1962). Relation of bilingualism to intelligence. Psychological Monographs, 76, 1–23.

Phakeng, M., & Moschkovich, J. (2013). Mathematics education and language diversity: A dialogue across settings. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 44(1), 119–128.

Planas, N. (2011). Language identities in students’ writings about group work in their mathematics classroom. Language and Education, 25(2), 129–146.

Planas, N., & Setati, M. (2009). Bilingual students using their languages in the learning of mathematics. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 21(3), 36–59.

Saer, D. (1923). The effect of bilingualism on intelligence. British Journal of Psychology, 14, 25–38.

Saunders, G. (1988). Bilingual children: From birth to teens. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters.

Setati, M. (1998). Code-switching in a senior primary class of second-language mathematics learners. For Learning Mathematics, 18(1), 34–40.

Setati, M. (2005). Teaching mathematics in a primary multilingual classroom. Journal for Research in Mathematics Education, 36(5), 447–466.

Setati, M., & Adler, J. (2000). Between languages and discourses: Language practices in primary multilingual classrooms in South Africa. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 43, 243–269.

Setati, M., Adler, J., Reed, Y., & Bapoo, A. (2002). Incomplete journeys: Code switching and other language practices in mathematics, science and English language classrooms in South Africa. Language and Education, 16(2), 128–149.

Stacey, K., & MacGregor, M. (1991). Difficulties of students with limited English language skills in pre-service mathematics education courses. Mathematics Education Research Journal, 3(2), 14–23.

Stathopoulou, C., & Kalabasis, F. (2007). Language and culture in mathematics education: Reflections on observing a Romany class in a Greek school. Educational studies in Mathematics, 64(2), 231–238.

Swain, M., & Cummins, J. (1979). Bilingualism, cognitive functioning and education. Language Teaching, 12, 4–18. UNESCO. (1974). Interactions between linguistics and mathematics education. Nairobi, Kenya: UNESCO.

Whang, W. (1996). The influence of English-Korean bilingualism in solving mathematics word problems. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 30, 289–312.

Zepp, R. (1982). Bilinguals’ understanding of logical connectives in English and Sesotho. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 13, 205–221.

Zepp, R., Monin, J., & Lei, C. (1987). Common logical errors in English and Chinese. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 18(1), 1–17.

Language Assessments for Bilingual and Multilingual Children

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Parents of multilingual children worry the most if their children will be able to keep up with all the languages and have a sufficient knowledge, proficiency, academically speaking, once they go to school.

Schools do regular language and literacy assessments and even international schools tend to assess the school language only or at least also the dominant language – for example, for a German child living in the Netherlands and attending an English speaking school, the assessment would be focusing on Dutch and English.

As there isn't one test that can be applied to all languages and teachers who evaluate these tests should at least have a basic knowledge of the other languages involved, I always advise parents of multilingual children to make sure their children are not only tested on one or two – usually the most dominant languages – but also on their family languages. In fact, as stated in the article mentioned here below, "SLPs have acknowledged competence in the assessment of monolingual children's speech but must consider additional aspects when assessing the speech of children who speak non-dominant languages and dialects."

If you are a parent of multilingual children and you have the impression that your school is not updated on the latest findings about language and literacy assessments, you may find an assessment in this list to submit to your school.

You want to make sure that during the speech assessment they will identify the presence or absence of SSD* and include referral, case history, assessment of speech production, additional areas of assessment (intelligibility, acceptability, stimulability, speech perception, phonological processing, language, hearing, oral structure and function, nonverbal intelligence, and participation), analysis, diagnosis, and goal setting.

Here is a scientific article about Speech Assessment for Multilingual Children who don't speak the same language(s) as the Speech-Language Pathologist

If you need support on this matter, I offer mediation with schools to make sure your child gets the right assessment and support he / she deserves! – Contact me at info@UtesInternationalLounge.com

*SSD= Speech Sound Disorders (cfr. from the article mentioned above “Children with speech sound disorders can have any combination of difficulties with perception, articulation/motor production, and/or phonological representation of speech segments (consonants and vowels), phonotactics (syllable and word shapes), and prosody (lexical and grammatical tones, rhythm, stress, and intonation) that may impact speech intelligibility and acceptability” (International Expert Panel on Multilingual Children's Speech, 2012, p. 1).)

 

 

Bilingual children can be easily misdiagnosed as having a language disorder. Language tests for bilingual children that are based on English [or another language] assessments are flawed not only because bilingual children may acquire certain language structures differently from monolinguals but because the sequence and rate of acquisition of specific language components varies between different languages. (Helen Grech, Barbara Dodd, Assessment of Speech and Language Skills in Bilingual Children: A holistic approach, Stem-, Spraak- en Taalpathologie, vol15, 2007, No.2, p.87)

 

 

 

What I recommend to do:

Fact is that there are many different tests for assessments that are done with the children.
I would recommend to ask about the testing:

  • What kind of test is used?
  • What exactly is tested – the comprehension of single words, in word chains or without context etc. 
  • It is a very complex set of data that they evaluate and we parents often only are informed about the results.
  • We don't see them... unless we ask. And it is actually our right to see the tests in total. For example, if the teacher says that my child can't pronounce a sound "correctly" this can have many reasons. Either because my child is still acquiring the language and needs more time, or because my child can't hear the difference between a sound and another one he/she knows from another language. 

 

It can also be that my child mixes similar words in the languages.

For example, "Wie gaat naar school?" (wie= who) in Dutch vs. *Wie geht zur Schule?  in German, but correct German would be Wer geht zur Schule?

The child/person uses "wie" in the "wrong way", because wie also exists in German and means "how", i.e. producing an incorrect question : *How goes to school? (i.e. *Wie geht zur Schule?)

It always depends on what teachers/schools or health practitioners are testing and why.

 
Always ask questions about:

  • the type of test
  • the reason for the testing
  • the way the test was performed (i.e. did the child really understand what they asked him/her?, was the child given enough time to perform the task?)
  • did they take into account that the child also speaks or understands other languages and what these other languages are?,
  • what is the outcome of the test and the consequences of it,
  • will the test be repeated, and if so, when etc.
  • what will be the next steps the school or health practitioner will take if help is needed?
  • what can we, parents, do to help?
  • what are the consequences for my child?...

One important advice: please make sure that language or literacy tests are not done during transition time! They give false results as the children are still adapting. It is like if someone would test us adults during our first week taking classes in a new language and tell us "you can't work for the company because you're not at the right level"...

 

Thank you Alison T. for suggesting to add this practical advice!


Please read also my other post about Speech and Language Therapists and Multilinguals

Mother tongue, first language, native language or dominant language?

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What term should we use when talking about the first language we acquired and learned? Mother tongue is not ideal for many reasons.
Have you ever wondered what is the difference between mother tongue, first language (L1), dominant language etc., and what is the correct term to use? 

 

Mother tongue and L1

About the origin of the term mother tongue

“The origin of the term mother tongue harks back to the notion that linguistic skills of a child are honed by the mother and therefore the language spoken by the mother would be the primary language that the child would learn.” However, this type of culture-specific notion is a misnomer. The term was used by Catholic monks to designate a particular language they used, instead of Latin, when they are “speaking from the pulpit”.That is, the “holy mother of the Church” introduced this term and colonies inherited it from the Christianity as a part of their colonial legacy, thanks to the effort made by foreign missionaries in the transitional period of switching over from 18th-century Mercantile Capitalism to 19th-century Industrial Capitalism in India.” (cfr. wikipedia)

 

In one sense, we all have a mother tongue as we all have only one "mother", the one that uses her language with us. Whether this is now the birth mother, the biological mother or adoptive mother, the most important aspect is that it is the person that interacts with us from early on and transmits her language to us.
So, this can mean that the language our mother talked to us is automatically our mother tongue. But what about the father tongue? Or caregiver tongue, should someone else raise us?

The term of mother tongue refers historically speaking to a traditional/conventional family situation where the mother is the person who transmits the language to the child and is the main provider for input in that language for the children in their first years. This scenario is not very accurate anymore, surely not in today's world where fathers and other care givers are involved in providing input in the home language too, as well as for birth mothers, or adoptive mothers for example.

A friend of mine was adopted when she was 2 and grew up in a Dutch family: would her mother tongue be Swahili because her biological mother was talking Swahili to her – and which she recognized when exposed to it as a teenager – or would it be Dutch, the language the mother who adopted her talked to her daily?

Usually, mother tongue – or father tongue to be politically correct! –  defines the first language we were exposed to, chronologically speaking, our L1, the first language we understand and speak. It's the language we grow up with or that our parents (or caregivers) speak with us. – And usually people tend to speak this language for a long time.

If we want to define the chronologically first language we acquired, the term first language can seem more appropriate.

But what happens if we are exposed to two or more languages in our family because our parents and/or caregivers speak different languages with us and among them?

We can have multiple "first languages" or L1's. Some suggested to label them as La, Lb etc., but whatever number or letter we add to the "L" (language) this label always suggests some kind of hierarchy between the languages. Which language "deserves" to be "a" or "1". This only leads to power struggles that should be avoided when transmitting our languages to our children.

Talking about L1, L2, or La, Lb etc. only makes sense, if the languages are acquired or learned successively*, i.e. not simultaneously.

*Simultaneous bilinguals or multilinguals are exposed to more than one (or two) languages since day one. Successive bilinguals or multilinguals, are those who add other languages after having acquired the first language(s).

I personally prefer using the term of family languages or home languages, considering the (societal) context the language is spoken: one language with one parent, another one with the other parent, an additional language with the caregiver etc..

This not only allows us to avoid any kind of power struggle or hierarchy between the languages, it also makes it easier to distinguish the languages at home from those in the community – if they differ: home languages vs community languages (or daycare / school languages).

 

My languages

Allow me to share my personal language situation: my parents only spoke German with me and my sister, so German was our home language, but we were exposed to Italian since day one. We didn’t “learn” it in the conventional, academical way, we acquired it by exposure to the language in the community (including children of our age who would just play with us speaking Italian). So Italian counts as our community language, but as our friends and neighbours were part of our daily life and we would switch to Italian when they were at our home – and this happened daily! – I consider Italian as my other home language. Both languages have always been equally important and valuable for me.

 

Language shift

If I look at the different phases in my life, there were phases where Italian, German or French were dominant languages. In one phase (of almost 6 years) I exclusively spoke Italian and French (and studying Old-French and Old-Provençal made my experience of "frenchness" even more intense!). During this period I had difficulties communicating in German and couldn't form a complete sentence in my parents' language anymore.

Only when this everyday situation changed and I focused more on German and Swiss German, my German improved again and even became as dominant as Italian and French for a short (!) period.

In the following phase, Italian was the main language I spoke and it was the language I chose to speak to my son.

Another switch occurred when English, which is chronologically speaking the fourth language I learned, and that I didn't use regularly between age 20 to 38, became more dominant. I did re-activate and improve it when we moved to the Netherlands and its use increased even more when our children started attending an English school. At the same time I acquired and improved Dutch.

You can watch my video about Language Shift here below.

 

 

Dominant language

In the past 15 years, my most dominant languages were German, English and Dutch, with Italian (the language that still feels like the closest to my heart!), French and Swiss German in the "background", which means that they are not used daily and adding Spanish to the picture which I have a great passive knowledge in but where I'm working on the verbal fluency).

They are most dominant in terms of me using them on a daily basis, as well as doing most reading and writing in these languages. But English and Dutch are chronologically speaking my 4th and 6th language, that I learned and acquired at different stages of my life (one at 11 yo, the other at 39yo). Therefore, a dominant language is a language that is most important for us at some point in life. It doesn't need to be our first language, it can be any other language we acquired or learned at any stage.

 

What about our children’s languages?

From a chronological point of view, Italian and Swiss-German are the "first languages" for all of my children, but only for their first years.

When our twin daughters were 1,5 years old and their secret language had a significant impact on our communication, we decided to only speak German as a family. At that point our children were exposed to German on a daily basis as it was the language my husband and I communicated in (and it was our babysitter's language, and part of our extended family speaks it). We still kept on reading and singing with our children in Swiss-German and Italian.

This language situation changed again when our children started attending the Dutch daycare and then an English school.

Today – I should better say “at the moment”...– our children consider English, German and Dutch as their most important and preferred languages. English is their most dominant language, the one they are most fluent in and where their word use and choice is most accurate and complex. Dutch and German are their second "most dominant" languages for the same reasons.

Our children don’t feel very confident in Swiss-German or Italian at the moment, but I know by my own experience that this can change if the linguistic situation changes again or if they just decide to speak them more often.

In multilingual families, the linguistic situation within the family and social context changes constantly.

  

So, no first language or mother tongue, what about native language?

The first language or mother tongue plays an important role in sociolinguistics, as it is the basis for many people’s sociolinguistic identity. Terms like native language or mother tongue refer to an ethnic group rather than to the chronological first language. This all confuses families and teachers as, usually, one needs to indicate the mother tongue of the children when signing them up for a daycare or school. This is why I always recommend to indicate also the languages that our children are most exposed to, most fluent and confident in at the moment... 

 

Native speakers are considered to be “authority on their given language due to their natural acquisition process regarding the language, versus having learned the language later in life”.

By focussing on the natural acquisition process, my personal native languages would be German, Italian, Swiss-German and Dutch because I did acquire them naturally, i.e. without "studying" them. I did not “learn” them in a formal setting. I imitated speakers, copied sentences and became fluent by "trial and error". I then learnt how to read and write German, Italian and Dutch – for Swiss-German not being a written language, this wasn't possible.

The fact that someone is a native speaker because he or she acquired the language at an early stage, may be qualifying him or her as a fluent speaker (reader and writer), and it might indicate the absence of any foreign accent – but we all have accents...

Fact is, it should not matter when we acquired or learned the language and in what setting.

We all can acquire a language in a “natural” way also at a later stage of our life.

 

If we nurture the language, learn the different meanings of words, form longer sentences, find out what register to use in different settings, learn the semantics of words, pragmatics and so much more, when we achieve a high level of fluency, accuracy and complexity in the language, this language can become our most dominant one.

And if any of our additional languages becomes our most dominant language, our first language or mother tongue can become a secondary language (and sometimes even be lost; eg. language attrition).

In his lecture “English and Welsh” in 1955, J.R.R. Tolkien distinguishes the native tongue from the cradle tongue. The cradle tongue being the language we learn during early childhood and the native tongue “may be different, possibly determined by an inherited linguistic taste, and may later in life be discovered by a strong emotional affinity to a specific dialect (Tolkien confessed to such an affinity to the Middle English of the West Midlands in particular)”  (pdf of “English and Welsh” by J.R.R. Tolkien)

We each have our own personal linguistic potential: we each have a native language. But that is not the language that we speak, our cradle-tongue, the first-learned. Linguistically we all wear ready-made clothes, and our native language comes seldom to expression, save perhaps by pulling at the ready-made till it sits a little easier. But though it may be buried, it is never wholly extinguished, and contact with other languages may stir it deeply.

My main chief here is to emphasize the difference between the first-learned language, the language of custom, and an individual’s native language, his inherent linguistic predilections: not to deny that he will share many of these with others of his community. He will share them, no doubt, in proportion as he shares other elements in his make-up. ( “English and Welsh” by J.R.R. Tolkien, p.18)

 

The term of "native speaker" should anyways be avoided as it has "mud on its face", like Jean-Marc Dewaele, Thomas H Bak and Lourdes Ortega mention in their article. ( I mention this in the video here below)

There is so much to say (and write) about this topic! One could add the term of heritage language, which is often misunderstood as a synonym of mother language/tongue... But I'll stop here. I invite you though to watch my video about these different terms and how we can understand and use them:

 

 

 

 

The predilection of a language is more important than the chronological place it has in our language acquisition and learning history. (Ute Limacher-Riebold)

 

 

For me, personally, the language I prefer speaking and that is closest to my heart and I’m more spontaneous in, is not the language my parents transmitted to me during the first period of my life.

– What about you?

– Do you (still) prefer speaking the first language you learnt – chronologically speaking –, or is another language more important for you right now?

 

 

Please read my other post about How to portray, feel and explain language use for a multilingual.

 

 

 

 

 

 

To quote this post using the APA style (please insert the date indicated here below as it refers to the latest update of the post!):
Limacher-Riebold, U. (2021, December 22). Mother-tongue, first language, native language or dominant language?. Retrieved from https://utesinternationallounge.com/mother-tongue-first-language-native-language-or-dominant-language/

 

 

 

 

 

Language preference among bilingual siblings

Posted on

©Ute Limacher-Riebold 2010

We can find many studies about how to raise “a” or “one” bilingual child, but what happens when you have more than one child (and maybe twins)?

  • Will it be possible to keep the initial bilingual situation within the family?
  • Do children influence the language dynamic in the family?
  • Do all the children in the same family prefer the same language?
  • Do they influence each other regarding the preference of the language?

Suzanne Barron-Hauwaert talks about this in Bilingual Siblings: Language Use in Families, a great guide for parents and teachers. Even if a family shares the same experiences, if the child gets more or less out of a situation, depends on multiple factors.

The same applies to all the languages the family is in touch with. Within the same family we can find children who embrace the languages wholeheartedly and others who are more reluctant.

One may seem literally to absorb every language, while another one chooses only a few, and the next one prefers only one.

In my experience, we have to adapt our language situation within our family to the individual needs of our children, and to their attitudes towards the languages – either the single languages or the amount of languages we are using.

How it works in our multilingual family

I’ve already mentioned the linguistic situation in our family in an other post.

In our family we now (in 2022) mainly talk German and English with each other, but also switch to Dutch, Swiss-German and occasionally Italian (not French anymore, like a few years ago, because our children have chosen to not continue learning French (for now)). 

We switch between languages when we talk about an experience we had when using a particular language, when we have friends over who don’t understand one of the languages, or when our children are among them.

Our children are mainly used to talk German, Dutch and English. The other languages (including Swiss-German) are only used during face-times with family, visits in the country or when they meet people who speak the target language. They usually prefer reading and writing in English – the language of their education – but are keen to implement their writing and reading skills in German and Dutch, as well as other languages (Italian, Japanese and Chinese). Since they were babies and toddlers, we used to sing songs and listen to audiobooks in a variety of languages. 

I’ll try to answer to some questions Suzanne Barron-Hauwaert asked in her book and that can help to shed light on your linguistic situation too:

1) Which language(s) do the siblings prefer to speak together?

Our children mainly talk German and English to each other, but they can switch to Dutch if they talk about a topic they shared with a Dutch friend. The

2) What happens when there are two or more children at different stages of language development?

Usually, when you have children from different age groups, it’s natural that they are in different stages of language development.

Those who are older can help the younger ones to develop their language skills.

When my children were younger it could happen that my son (my older child) used baby talk (or baby / infant directed speech) with his younger sisters.

Our children are all on a different stage of language development.

Our son is fluent in all the languages I’ve mentioned – learned French and Spanish at school (until 2016) and now learns Japanese and Chinese (as autodidact). Our daughters are fluent in English, Dutch, German, and also learned French and Spanish at school – but only to a basic A1/2 level, alas – and Italian.

One of our daughters prefers English to German and Dutch, whereas the other one is interested in improving her Italian.

When they were 4-7 years old, my daughters used to mix up the syntactic structure of German and English which lead to very interesting speech productions. It used to affect our conversations, but thanks to consistent modeling (i.e. repeating the sentence in the right order etc.), they are now nearly native in all three languages.

 

3) Could one child refuse to speak one language while another child is fluently bilingual?

Our son refused to talk Italian when he was 2.5 as a reaction to our moving to the Netherlands and his exposure to Dutch and German.

Since we switched to only German as our family language , our children grew up with mainly German as family language. Since 2015 our son restarted talking Italian: it was his wish to talk Italian with me when we are alone, so I introduced it with the T&P (Time and Place) strategy, which is working pretty well so far. He is very interested in learning different languages and has now added basic knowledge of Latin, French and Spanish.

All three children are now fluently multilingual in German, English and Dutch.

It’s not that one of our children does really refuse to talk a language whilst the other one(s) speak it, but one of our daughters would prefer talking only English (and this was once German, so she changed her preference in the last 10 years!). She is less interested in languages than our other two children, which is very interesting to observe! 

 

– I personally still prefer talking Italian… which is very dominant especially when I’m upset or very happy. Talking Italian then is more natural for me.

4) How do factors of birth order, personality or family size interact in language production?

In our family, personality is the most important factor that decides about the languages we use.

We all speak two to four languages per day and these are not always the same ones. Our children decided on a very early stage which languages they wanted to talk and it were external factors who influenced us all on this.

When we moved to the Netherlands we didn’t find Italian friends in the first months and I was the only person talking Italian to my son.

He also knew that I was perfectly able to talk and understand Swissgerman and Dutch (I learned Dutch alongside with my son), and his refusal to talk Italian was very economic and natural.

I persisted talking Italian to him until my daughters were 15 months old. We then narrowed down the languages within our family from three to one because our girls developed a secret language.

So, in the end: birth order and personality influenced the languages in our family.

All our children behave in different ways in linguistic terms and we are aware that the situation may change in the future.

 

What is the language history of your family? Did your children also develop along uniquely individual linguistic paths?

 

If you want to find out more about the linguistic preferences of your children book a consultation with me.

 

 

 

MultilingualBu?cher

 

 

 

This post has been republished on Expatica.com on 17/09/2013.

Related articles on my “other” blog